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球探体育比分苹果下载:#187: In 1930s, Britain Calls for 'Peace In Our Time'

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President Franklin Roosevelt
President Franklin Roosevelt

STEVE EMBER: Welcome to The Making of a Nation-American history in VOA Special English.

(MUSIC)

Growing tensions in Europe and Asia created a serious conflict for Americans during the nineteen-thirties. Most Americans opposed the Fascist or military leaders gaining control in Germany, Italy, Japan, and other countries. But they were not willing to take any firm action to stop this growing movement.

Americans did not want to become involved in another world war. And they called on President Franklin Delano Roosevelt and their representatives in Congress to remain neutral in world affairs.

But aggression by Germany and Japan finally would force Americans to choose between their love of democracy and their desire for peace.

(MUSIC)

The first challenge to America's policy of neutrality came in October nineteen thirty-five.

(SOUND)

Troops from Fascist Italy invaded Ethiopia.

Roosevelt did not feel neutral at all. He told his advisers, "Italy is dropping bombs on Ethiopia, and that is war." He sharply criticized the Fascist Italian leader, Benito Mussolini. Roosevelt issued an order banning Americans from sending arms to either Italy or Ethiopia. And he called on Americans not to send oil or other materials to Italy.

Roosevelt's efforts to stop the export of oil and other products did not succeed. But the efforts by the White House played an important part in leading the League of Nations to take economic actions against Italy.

(SOUND)

Francisco Franco
Francisco Franco

Less than two years later, civil war broke out in Spain. Spanish Fascists led by General Francisco Franco tried to overthrow the democratic government in Madrid.

Some Americans went to join the democratic army in Spain to fight Franco. But Roosevelt and the Congress agreed that America should remain officially neutral in the conflict.

In this way, Roosevelt was meeting the wishes of the American people by avoiding war. But personally, he was deeply troubled by the events in Europe. In a letter to his ambassador in France, Roosevelt wrote, "One cannot help feeling that the whole European situation is blacker than at any time in your lifetime or mine."

(MUSIC)

Another challenge to American neutrality came in Asia. Japan launched a new invasion of China in July, nineteen thirty-seven. Within one month, Japanese forces gained control of what was then called Peking, now Beijing, and Tientsin.

The United States had long supported the Nationalist forces of China. And many Americans were angry about the Japanese invasion. But Roosevelt and his administration once again refused to take strong actions against the aggression.

For one thing, the American Navy was weak. There was little it could do to stop Japanese aggression thousands of miles away in Asia. And neither Roosevelt nor the Congress wanted to be first to break America's official policy of neutrality.

(MUSIC)

Franklin Roosevelt made clear in private talks with friends that he understood the serious threat to world peace created by Adolf Hitler and other Fascists. He believed that the United States could not remain neutral forever if democracy was threatened in so many countries.

However, Roosevelt did little to educate the nation about this threat. Instead, he generally followed the wishes of the majority of people who wanted America to remain neutral.

Public opinion in the United States was strongly against any kind of involvement in foreign conflicts.

In nineteen thirty-seven, Roosevelt made an important speech calling for the world's neutral nations to protect themselves from lawless Fascist nations. But many Americans feared that Roosevelt was trying to create a new alliance. And they opposed his efforts. A public opinion survey at the time showed that less than one in three Americans was willing to change the nation's strong neutrality laws to give Roosevelt more freedom of action.

(MUSIC)

In the same year, Japanese planes sank an American gunboat in the Yangtze River in China. But few Americans showed any interest in going to war over the incident. Instead, they accepted Japanese apologies. Americans simply had no desire to fight.

Most Americans honestly believed that the best hope for their country was neutrality. One of the most influential supporters of neutrality was Senator Gerald Nye of North Dakota. He told the New York Times in nineteen thirty-seven that there can be no objection to any action the government may take which tries to bring peace to the world.

But that action, he added, must not tie the American people "into another world death march." He said: "I very much fear that we are once again being caused to feel that the call is upon America to police a world that chooses to follow insane leaders."

(MUSIC)

Adolf Hitler's Nazi forces moved into the Rhineland in nineteen thirty-six. Two years later, they invaded Austria. And then, in the following months, Hitler began making demands on the government of Czechoslovakia.

Britain's Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain was afraid that Hitler might start a general European war if he was blocked from gaining control of Czechoslovakia. In September of nineteen thirty-eight, Chamberlain traveled to Munich to discuss the situation with the German leader. The result was that Britain agreed to a German takeover of Czechoslovakia.

Chamberlain returned to London promising "peace in our time."

NEVILLE CHAMBERLIN: "The settlement of the Czechoslovakian problem which has now been achieved is, in my view, only the prelude to a larger settlement in which all Europe may find peace. [Crowd cheers] This morning, I had another talk with the German chancellor, Herr Hitler, and here is the paper which bears his name upon it, as well as mine. [More cheers.] Some of you perhaps have already heard what it contains, but I would just like to read it to you. We, the German Führer and Chancellor and the British Prime Minister, have had a further meeting today, and are agreed in recognizing that the question of Anglo-German relations is of the first importance for the two countries, and for Europe. We regard the agreement signed last night, and the Anglo-German Naval Agreement, as symbolic of the desire of our two peoples never to go to war with one another again."

The first reaction of most Americans to Chamberlain's Munich agreement was one of relief. But then, public opinion changed. Americans saw that Hitler's Germany now had control of central Europe. Japan was becoming more powerful in Asia. Chamberlain's weakness only served to show dictators that they could gain land and power through aggression and fear.

Roosevelt warned Americans in late nineteen thirty-eight about this Fascist threat. "There can be no peace," he said, "if another nation makes the threat of war its national policy."

FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT: "There can be no peace if national policy adopts as a deliberate instrument the threat of war. There can be no peace if national policy adopts as a deliberate instrument the dispersion all over the world of millions of helpless and persecuted wanderers with no place to lay their heads. There can be no peace if humble men and women are not free to think their own thoughts, to express their own feelings, and to worship God.? There can be no peace if economic resources that ought to be devoted to social and economic reconstruction are to be diverted to an intensified competition in armaments."

Roosevelt and much of the American public continued to hope that the United States could stay out of foreign conflicts. But increasingly, they understood that war might come. And they began to prepare for possible hostilities.

Following the Munich agreement, Roosevelt requested a large increase in the defense budget. He asked Britain and France to buy arms from American manufacturers to give those companies more experience in producing weapons. And he helped bring about an agreement among nations in North and South America to join together to oppose Fascist threats to peace and security.

Finally, Roosevelt tried to get Congress to change the neutrality laws. He wanted more freedom as president to resist Fascist aggression and help Britain, France, China, and other friendly nations.

Congress, however, continued to resist such changes.

(MUSIC)

Adolf Hitler with German and Italian officials in 1939
Adolf Hitler with German and Italian officials in 1939

But events in early nineteen thirty-nine showed that war was on the way. Germany occupied Czechoslovakia and then Lithuania. Franco's forces took control in Spain. Italy invaded Albania. And then Hitler began making demands on Poland.

In August, Germany and the Soviet Union announced to the world that they had signed a joint defense agreement.

A week later, Germany attacked Poland.

(SOUND)

Two days later, Britain and France declared war on Germany.

(MUSIC)

Germany's invasion of Poland, and the beginning of the war, presented a giant challenge to the United States. On the one hand, almost all Americans supported the European democracies opposing the aggression by Hitler, Mussolini, and other Fascists. But on the other hand, Americans had no desire to fight in what might be a long and bloody war.

The following months would force Americans of all political beliefs to consider this problem. It would be a final period of peace for the United States before events once again drew it into a terrible world conflict.

(MUSIC)

STEVE EMBER:Our program was written by David Jarmul. You can find our series online with transcripts, MP3s, podcasts and pictures at 球盘体育比分 www.341124.live. You can also follow us on Facebook and Twitter at VOA Learning English. I'm Steve Ember inviting you to join us again next week for The Making of a Nation - American history in VOA Special English.

___

This is program #188

上個世紀三十年代,日益緊張的歐亞局勢給美國帶來了嚴重挑戰。絕大多數美國人反對法西斯及其軍事領導人控制德國、意大利、日本和其他國家的政權,但他們又不愿意采取任何行動,來阻止這一局勢的發展。

美國人不想再次卷入另一場世界大戰,他們要求富蘭克林.羅斯福總統和國會議員在國際事務上保持中立。然而,德國和日本的侵略行動,最終將迫使美國人在要民主,還是要和平之間做出選擇。

美國中立政策面臨的第一次挑戰發生在1935年10月。當時,意大利法西斯軍隊入侵埃塞俄比亞。羅斯福總統根本不想中立。他對助手說,"意大利正在轟炸埃塞俄比亞,這是一場戰爭。"

他強烈批評意大利法西斯領導人墨索里尼,下令禁止向意大利和埃塞俄比亞輸送武器,并要求美國人不要向意大利出售石油和其他戰略物資。羅斯福阻止向意大利出售石油和其他物資的努力并沒有成功,但白宮的這一努力在國際聯盟對意大利采取經濟制裁方面則扮演了重要角色。

此后不到兩年,西班牙發生內戰。由弗朗西斯科.佛朗哥領導的法西斯試圖推翻馬德里的民主政府。一些美國人前往西班牙,加入西班牙民主政府軍,對抗佛朗哥,但羅斯福和美國國會一致同意,美國官方仍然對西班牙的沖突保持中立。

這樣做,羅斯福無疑是滿足了美國人希望保持中立避免戰爭的愿望。但就他個人而言,他對歐洲局勢深感憂慮。在他給美國駐法大使的一封信中寫道:"我感到,歐洲局勢已經到了你我這輩子最黑暗的地步。"

美國中立政策遇到的另一大挑戰來自亞洲。1937年7月,日本向中國發動侵略,一個月時間里,日本就攻占了當時的北平和天津。美國長期以來一直支持中國的國民黨部隊,許多美國人對日本侵華感到氣憤,但羅斯福和他領導的美國政府再次拒絕對日本侵略采取有力行動。

原因之一是當時美國的海軍力量薄弱,無法阻止日本在數千英里之外的侵略行動。而且無論是羅斯?;故槍?,都不想首先破壞美國的中立政策。富蘭克林.羅斯福在與朋友私下交談時說,他非常清楚希特勒以及其他法西斯給世界和平帶來的嚴重威脅。

他認為,如果世界上這么多國家的民主都受到威脅的話,那美國就不可能永遠保持中立。但是羅斯福并沒有把這些威脅告訴美國人,相反的,他按照大多數美國人的意愿,讓美國繼續中立。美國民意強烈反對美國以任何形式卷入外部沖突。

1937,羅斯福發表了一個重要演說,呼吁世界上所有保持中立的國家都要?;ぷ約好饈芊ㄎ魎溝那址?。但許多美國人擔心羅斯福是要組建一個新聯盟,他們反對他的努力。當時一項民間調查表明,只有不到三分之一的美國人愿意改變美國的中立政策,賦予羅斯福更多采取行動的權力。

同一年,日本飛機在中國的長江上炸沉了一艘美國艦艇,但是沒有幾個美國人愿意為此卷入戰爭。他們接受了日本人的道歉,原因很簡單,美國人就是不想打仗。大多數美國人打心眼里覺得,中立才是美國最大的希望所在。

在眾多支持中立政策的美國人中,最有影響力的人物之一是來自北達科他州的參議員杰拉德.奈伊。1937年,他告訴《紐約時報》說,他并不反對政府采取行動保衛世界和平,但這一行動絕不能將美國人跟"另一場死亡之旅聯系在一起"。他還說:"我非常擔心,在這個瘋狂領導人的追隨者越來越多的世界里,我們會再次覺得自己有義務去充當警察,維持世界秩序。"

二戰前,美國一直試圖保持中立,然而局勢的發展使美國不得不改變選擇。1936年,希特勒入侵萊因蘭,兩年后,又入侵奧地利,在隨后的幾個月里,希特勒開始向捷克斯洛伐克政府提出領土要求。

英國首相張伯倫擔心,如果不讓希特勒獲得捷克斯洛伐克領土,他就可能會在整個歐洲發動戰爭。1938年9月,張伯倫前往慕尼黑就捷克斯洛伐克的局勢與德國領導人舉行會談,結果,英國同意了德國占領捷克斯洛伐克的要求。張伯倫回到英國倫敦后,向國人表示"和平來臨了。"

張伯倫說:"捷克斯洛伐克問題的協議現已達成,在我看來,這只是為整個歐洲謀求和平所需要簽署的更大協議的前奏。今天早晨,我又跟德國總理希特勒會談,這份文件上有我們兩人的名字。你們中有些人已經知道上面的內容了,但我還是想讀一讀。

張伯倫讀道:我們,德國總理與英國首相,今天舉行了進一步會談,我們一致同意,對于英德兩國,對于整個歐洲來說,英德關系是最重要的。我們昨天晚上簽署了這份協議,還有英德海軍協議,這是我們兩國永不交戰的愿望的象征。"

絕大多數美國人對張伯倫慕尼黑協定的第一反應是石頭落地。但隨后,美國民眾的意見出現了改變。美國人看到,希特勒的德國現在已經控制了中歐,而日本在亞洲的力量也越來越強大。張伯倫的軟弱只能顯示,獨裁者通過侵略和恐嚇可以獲取更多的土地和權力。

1938年末,羅斯福就法西斯的威脅向美國人民發出警告說:"如果哪個國家將戰爭威脅做為國家政策的話,那么就沒有和平可言。"

富蘭克林.羅斯福說:"如果一個國家刻意把戰爭威脅做為推行國家政策的工具的話,那么就沒有和平可言;如果一個國家刻意讓世界上無數人無家可歸,流離失所,并以此做為推行國家政策的工具的話,那就沒有和平可言;如果恭順的百姓不能自由思考、自由表達,自由信奉上帝的話,那么就沒有和平可言;如果經濟資源不是用來社會和經濟的重建,而是用來進行軍備競賽的話,那么就沒有和平可言。"

羅斯福和大多數美國人繼續希望美國能置身于國際沖突之外,但他們越來越認識到,戰爭可能來臨,并開始為各種可能的敵對行為做準備。慕尼黑協定出現后,羅斯福要求大幅度增加國防預算。他請求英法兩國向美國購買武器,以增加美國企業生產武器的經驗。

在羅斯福的推動下,南北美洲簽署協議,聯合一起共同對抗法西斯,以維護和平與安全。最后,羅斯?;故醞既霉岣謀渲辛⒎ò?。作為總統,他希望能有更多的權力,對抗法西斯的侵略,并幫助英國、法國、中國和其他友好國家。然而,國會繼續反對羅斯福努力推動的這些變化。

然而1939年初發生的一些事件表明,戰爭即將到來。德國占領了捷克斯洛伐克,接著又占領了立陶宛。佛朗哥軍隊控制了西班牙,意大利入侵阿爾巴尼亞。而希特勒又開始向波蘭提出領土要求。8月,德國和蘇聯對外宣布,他們簽署了互不侵犯條約。一周后,德國入侵波蘭。兩天后,英國和法國向德國宣戰。

德國入侵波蘭,和戰爭的爆發,給美國帶來了巨大挑戰。一方面,幾乎所有美國人都支持歐洲民主國家反對來自希特勒、墨索里尼和其他法西斯的侵略;但另一方面,美國人又打心眼里不愿意卷入一場漫長而血腥的戰爭。

在接下來的幾個月里,持有各種政治信仰的美國人不得不嚴肅考慮這一問題,這段時間是美國再次卷入可怕的世界沖突前的最后一段和平時期。

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